Wired to do the Right and Wrong Things Essays

Wired to do the Right and Wrong Things Essays Wired to do the Right and Wrong Things Essay Wired to do the Right and Wrong Things Essay People from across different cultures and ethnicity vary in their interpretation of morality. In most instances the line that separates right and wrong is blurred when it comes to making judgments and decisions regarding special ethical and moral dilemmas. A person may pick one side of the problem and justify the decision with rigorous logic while another may pick the other with equal discursive weight. Thus it is easy to say that the concept of right and wrong seems to depend more on circumstances, context and race- or upbringing than it is a universal feature of the human species. Rebecca Saxe highlights this observation by saying that Americans would prefer to uphold notions of justice and fair play while a native from Papua New Guinea on the other side of the world would lean more towards collective responsibility when respondents were faced with the question whether it is justified to steal another man’s train ticket (47). But is this apparent disparity in ideas descripti ve of how are mind really works with respect to the idea doing the right and wrong things? Is there such a thing as a universal rubric of human morality that transcends ethnic differences?The ongoing debates on nurture and nature in its simplest function involve multiple perspectives and fields of study. Most people are of the belief that a person decides which is right or wrong based on how and where he was raised. Indeed, it won’t be hard to find someone who thinks that an individual acts in a certain way precisely because of his biographical profile and context. The clichà © is that a criminal becomes one because he came from a broken home, suffered an abusive father, mixed with the wrong group during childhood and so on. Even worse, people perfunctorily judge other people because of their culture, religion, gender and race as the basis for explaining and justifying why the Middle Eastern Muslim must be avoided at all costs or that Asians are to be dealt with at double th e arm’s length so to speak (Dawkins 34). In other words, the idea of nurture affecting our morality has gained popular stasis that it becomes almost natural to think in terms of closely knit cultural groups and not universally as a species.However, such assertions on the power of nurture that trumps any other form of natural physiological and neural schematics of the human mind cannot be more wide of the mark. Marc Hauser, in his seminal and ground breaking study on morality in his book Moral Minds, believes that we have evolved a universal moral intuition- that we are wired to think in a particular way (12). Our sense of morality may differ in the way it is enunciated and pronounced in various languages but its essence remains largely uniform for peoples around the world.   No matter what your mom says about your Korean neighbour being selfish, isolated and mean, the moral rubric between the two are the same in the neurological and biological level.It is fair say that it d oes not seem to explain why societies practice and adhere to varying formulas and codes of behaviour. Likewise, the idea proposed by Hauser, much as it is revolutionary, is quite counter-intuitive for the simple fact that individuals are quite able in coming up with a range of explanations for their decisions usually deliberative and rational. Thus an educated man with a doctorate degree on Philosophy and Ethics could come up with certain complex ideas while the uninitiated undergraduate could only slur out a few incoherent sentences (21).   Yet despite the level of complexity of one’s explanations and discourse inevitably the answers tend to be similar. The only key feature is the way individuals are able to express their ideas which is more or a less a function of language than anything else.Hauser posits that humans are endowed with the same moral instinct. The worldwide survey of the answers to the Trolley problem spread and collected from across samples of different co untries in the internet indicates an unmistakeable shared idea of morality. The statistics demonstrate that the answers tend towards saving the life of many at the price of another’s life. Such results underscore an existing fixed parameter imbedded in our minds that have developed through the process of evolution. It also suggests that our actions are merely the consequence of an inescapable, almost deterministic form of human nature. However, precisely because of the element of ‘nurture’, these universal precepts of morality are fine tuned â€Å"with nurture entering the picture to set the parameters and guide us toward the acquisition of particular moral systems† (21), In other words, we learn the rules of the society we belong to in time using our moral instincts. In such a way we can still determine what is right and wrong independent of the social dogma inasmuch as we are still able reject the tenets of a dogma if it assails our moral instincts as pa lpably wrong.Besides Hauser’s study on cognitive science, other psychological and neurological experiments show that our minds were built with an existing complete set of moral codes that can actually be even physically located in our brain (Bloom 6-7). Studies done on infants and toddlers, and on the brain activities of healthy young and adult men and women, buttress the claim that when the human being is stripped off of its socio-cultural, political and educational underpinnings, what is left is a primordial moral mind that knows how to pick what is good and bad, nice or mean and ultimately right and wrong. There are special triggers in our brain that activate in a predictable manner when stimulated with preset scenarios, situations or problems. Stated differently, there is a tangible part of the brain which does all the moral calculations even without the extraneous elements of society and culture. This belies any claim that nurture is the main reason behind our decisions simply because there are just parts of our mind that were built to decide moral issues the way it has been decided throughout the entire evolutionary time.The significance of the studies done by Hauser and other cognitive scientists about our moral minds is not confined alone in areas where the answers to such questions merely satisfy our craving for intelligent debates but it goes straight at the heart of humanity’s greatest failing and that is bias and prejudgment based on culture, religion, ethnicity, gender and the like. The news we receive in media and in print are festooned with a lot of instances where the existence of a universal moral rubric- the shared idea of right and wrong, is beset with serious doubts and skepticism. Take for instance the labels we put on people with a different religion, most specifically that with fanatics who resort to terrorism. If it were true that we all share the same moral mind then how come some people are wont to all the wrong things w hile the rest keep on doing the right actions.Richard Dawkins, a famous evolutionary biologist, in his book The God Delusion implies that we give too much credit towards religion and culture for our sense of morality when in truth such moral instincts preceded any form of religion a thousand of years prior (36). It would be harmful if not utterly dangerous to say that our ideas of right and wrong based on our social upbringing and especially religion is the proper benchmark from where everything else should be measured. The fact is, we all share the same biological makeup including that part of our brain which determines and acts on moral issues. The nurture factor only shapes this in minute details as it manifests clearly in present societies from different parts of the world; but our sense of right and wrong remains fixed and are to a large degree inescapable and determinable the way Mother Nature intends it to be.

Flowering Dogwood Care and Identification

Flowering Dogwood Care and Identification Flowering Dogwood grows 20 to 35 feet tall and spreads 25 to 30 feet. It can be trained with one central trunk or as a multi-trunked tree. The flowers consist of four bracts below the small head of yellow flowers. The bracts may be pink or red depending on cultivar but the species color is white. Fall leaf color on most sun grown plants will be red to maroon. The bright red fruits are often eaten by birds. Fall leaf color of Dogwood is more vivid in USDA hardiness zones: 5 through 8A. Specifics: Scientific name: Cornus floridaPronunciation: KOR-nus FLOR-ih-duhCommon name(s): Flowering DogwoodFamily: CornaceaeUSDA hardiness zones:: 5 through 9AOrigin: Native to North AmericaUses: Wide tree lawns; medium-sized tree lawns; near a deck or patio; screen; shade tree; narrow tree lawns; specimenAvailability: Generally available in many areas within its hardiness range. Popular Cultivars: Several of the cultivars listed are not readily available. Pink-flowering cultivars grow poorly in USDA hardiness zones 8 and 9. ‘Apple Blossom’ - pink bracts; ‘Cherokee Chief’ - red bracts; ‘Cherokee Princess’ - white bracts; ‘Cloud 9’ - white bracts, flowers young; ‘Fastigiata’ - upright growth while young, spreading with age; ‘First Lady’ - leaves variegated with yellow turning red and maroon in the fall; ‘Gigantea’ - bracts six inches from tip of one bract to tip of opposite bract. More Cultivars: Magnifica - bracts rounded, four-inch-diameter pairs of bracts; Multibracteata - double flowers; New Hampshire - flower buds cold hardy; Pendula - weeping or drooping branches; Plena - double flowers; var. rubra - pink bracts; Springtime - bracts white, large, blooms at an early age; Sunset - supposedly resistant to anthracnose; Sweetwater Red - bracts red; Weavers White - large white flowers, adapted to the south; Welchii - leaves variegated with yellow and red. Description: Height: 20 to 30 feetSpread: 25 to 30 feetCrown uniformity: Symmetrical canopy with a regular (or smooth) outline, and individuals have more or less identical crown formsCrown shape: roundCrown density: moderate Trunk and Branches: Trunk/bark/branches: Droop as the tree grows, and will require pruning for vehicular or pedestrian clearance beneath the canopy; routinely grown with, or trainable to be grown with, multiple trunks; not particularly showy; tree wants to grow with several trunks but can be trained to grow with a single trunk.Pruning requirement: Needs little pruning to develop a strong structureBreakage: resistantCurrent year twig color: greenCurrent year twig thickness: medium Foliage: Leaf arrangement: opposite/suboppositeLeaf type: simpleLeaf margin: entireLeaf shape: ovateLeaf venation: bowed; pinnateLeaf type and persistence: deciduousLeaf blade length: 4 to 8 inches; 2 to 4 inchesLeaf color: greenFall color: redFall characteristic: showy Flowers: Flower color: Bracts are white, actual flower is yellowFlower characteristics: Spring flowering; very showyThe showy flowers are, in fact, bracts that subtend a boss of 20 to 30 real flowers each of which are less than one-quarter inch in size. The actual flowers of Cornus florida are not white. Culture: Light requirement: Tree grows in part shade/part sun; tree grows in the shade; tree grows in full sunSoil tolerances: clay; loam; sand; slightly alkaline; acidic; well-drained.Drought tolerance: moderateAerosol salt tolerance: lowSoil salt tolerance: poor In Depth: Dogwood branches on the lower half of the crown grow horizontally, those in the upper half are more upright. In time, this can lend a strikingly horizontal impact to the landscape, particularly if some branches are thinned to open up the crown. Lower branches left on the trunk will droop to the ground, creating a wonderful landscape feature. Dogwood is not suited for parking lot planting but can be grown in a wide street median, if provided with less than full-day sun and irrigation. Dogwood is a standard tree in many gardens where it is used by the patio for light shade, in the shrub border to add spring and fall color or as a specimen in the lawn or groundcover bed. It can be grown in sun or shade but shaded trees will be less dense, grow more quickly and taller, have poor fall color, and less flowers. Trees prefer part shade (preferably in the afternoon) in the southern end of its range. Many nurseries grow the trees in full sun, but they are irrigated regularly. Flowering Dogwood prefers a deep, rich, well-drained, sandy or clay soil and has a moderately long life. It is not recommended in the New Orleans area and other heavy, wet soils unless it is grown on a raised bed to keep roots on the dry side. The roots will rot in soils without adequate drainage.

A discussion of a contemporary play by an Asian or Asian-American Essay

A discussion of a contemporary play by an Asian or Asian-American playwright - Essay Example truggling; a forty year old mother, who sacrificed everything for her family; a forty five year old carpenter, who wants to promote his ancestors’ arts; director Ma is fifty years old and is very bold and flaunt-natured. Name of each character shows appearance of people belonging to their specific age groups. They are waiting for a never arriving bus; if, by any chance, it arrives, it never stops for its passengers. The place where eight characters are desperately waiting is a bus stop; however, the bus almost never arrives at this bus stop, and when it does, it passes by without stopping. There are two iron railings where time and again all the passengers ask each other to form a queue. Sign board is almost erased due to being so old, and people wait for endless hours on the bus stop and then leave without ever catching a bus. Time is passing very slowly and the waiting passengers are looking at their watches over and over again. Somebody says it’s an hour, another says that a whole year has elapsed. In China, the most common and most convenient way of traveling is through bus, and, therefore, people from every class use it quite often. That is why whatever is happening at the bus stop is the portrayal of the real life issues. Even though a lot of their time is wasted while they are waiting for the bus, which, in turn, makes them annoyed, rude, irritated and violent, yet they still go through this whole process of waiting every day. They pass their time by talking and discussing different things with each other. Although all of them are destined to go different places and have different purposes and ambitions of life, this bus stop is the element that connects their lives, links them to each other, with people belonging to every group of age. The bus stop has become an important part of their lives, where they expect to find someone with whom they can indulge in discussions about things of common interest and who can help solve problems by talking about

My High School Experience Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

My High School Experience - Essay Example    But I was a persevering student who mostly kept to himself. I did not feel that I was on par with my classmates in the economic aspect of life which is why I did my best to stay out of their way. Unfortunately, coming from a lower income bracket than the rest of my peers meant that I wore a target on my back. If the guys in gym class needed someone to pick on, that would be me.   After gym class one day, my classmates found a way to get into my gym locker and take my clothes. So there I stood in the middle of the gym, being heckled and teased by my classmates. They picked on everything from my skin color to the size of my male anatomy. I was so angry with them. I wanted to hit them but I did not want to get suspended from school for fighting.   Our coach asked me to report to the guidance office after class for some counseling. He said that I needed to discuss what had happened to me so that I could get over the humiliation of what happened and I would understand that what h appened was not my fault. Counseling helped me understand that bullies were only powerful because I allowed them to have power over me. I was just as to blame for what was happening to me as were the bullies because I chose to let it happen. I did not have to get violent to make the bullying end, I had options, and thanks to counseling, I finally knew what those options where.   It was because of the sound counseling of our school guidance counselor that I finally took stock of the things that were happening to me in high school.

Building the American Dream :: Personal Narrative Writing

Building the American Dream Well for my parents, the American Dream was to come to America and make a new life for themselves. Back in China things weren't so easy. Earning a living was difficult. My parents heard of America and its great opportunities and high standards of living and so they prepared to come to the United States. As children, my parents lived in a old area of Fukein, China. Their lives were not easy. They woke up early in the morning to go to school then came back home to do their chores like cleaning, washing, cooking, watching over their brothers and sisters and working on their small farm. It was quite difficult and backbreaking but they needed to do all that to provide for the family in any way they could. For my mother is was even more difficult after the death of her father, my grandfather. She had to work extra hard to keep her household in order. As my parents became more independent, they knew that they wanted more for their children. When my parents got married, they planned immediately to start to save up money to go to America. They wanted a better life for themselves and their children. My father worked hard for the opportunity to come here and the hard work paid off. He spent some years in Hong Kong working in his family's herbal shop trying to save up enough money to come to America. The first to arrive in America was my mother. She was the one that was to start our lives here. When she arrived to America. She was pregnant and so working to make a living was kind of hard but had the support of my father and uncle. In 1979, my father took his first glimpse of his baby son and then went out to look for a job. It was difficult but it was a lot easier here then back at home. He soon established himself as a well known chef but his first job was as a busboy. After which he set up 3 restaurants for himself and became an entr eprenuer, a dream like that many people had when they came to America. He was quite successful in his business and enjoyed his life here. However he faced much cruelty such as racism and inequality but he ignored that because those were only obstacles that he could like many other obstacles he had overcome.

Organizational Changes within the National Health Service Essay

1. Discuss and debate the organizational changes within the National Health Service and examine how these have influenced care delivery. At the start of the NHS, a mediation model of management subsisted where the role of the manager facilitated health care professionals to care for the patient. Medical staffs were extremely influential and controlling in determining the shape of the service, at the same time as managers were imprudent and focused on managing internal organizational issues (Harrison et al. 1992). After the 1979 general election, there was originally little change to the National Health Service (Klein 1983). Though, poor economic growth, together with growing public expenditure, slowly brought about changes. Influenced by the ‘New Right’ ideologies, a more interventionist, practical, style of management in the health service emerged. This efficiently changed the role of managers from one of imprudent scapegoats for existing problems, to agents of the government (Flynn 1992). Managers became the means by which government control over NHS spending was increased (Harrison and Pollitt 1994). The impulsion for this change arose from the 1983 Griffiths report (NHS Executive 1983), an assessment by the government health advisor, Sir Roy Griffiths. Within this report, four specific problem areas were recognized: the limited management influence over the clinical professions; a managerial stress on reactivity to problems; the significance placed on managing the status quo; and a culture of producer, not consumer, orientation (Harrison et al. 1992). The power of the Griffiths Report (op. cit.) was to challenge and limit medicine’s sovereignty in the health service, and over health care resources. certainly, nurses were simply referred to twice throughout the document. Through its attention on organizational dynamics and not structure, the Griffiths Report proposed main change to the health service. General Managers were initiated at all levels of the NHS. In spite of Griffiths’ original intention that it was simply cultural adjustment that was required, there were instantaneous and considerable structural and organizational changes in the health service (Robinson et al. 1989). Post-Griffiths there were escalating demands for value for money in the health service (DoH 1989). Efforts to extend managerial control over professional autonomy and behavior so continued throughout this intense period of change, and terminated with the NHS and Community Care Act (DoH 1990). From the re-organizations that taken place during this period, the NHS was rationalized to conform more intimately to the model of free enterprise in the private sector. This reformation was shaped by the belief that greater competence could be stimulated through the formation of an internal and competitive market. The belief that the health service was a distinguishing organization was disputed. The principles of economic rationality linked with business organizations were applied extensive to the operation of health service. The services requisite were determined, negotiated, and agreed by purchasers and providers through a funding and constricting mechanism. In this, trust hospitals and Directly Managed Units supplied health care provision for District and General Practitioner fund holders. There has since been a further shift in the purchaser base from health authorities to local commissioning through primary care groups and, more lately, through the Shifting the Balance of Power: The Next Steps policy document (DoH 2001b), to Primary Care Trusts. Through such recognized relationships, purchasers have turn out to be commissioners of services and the idea of the internal market has become the managed market that recognizes the more long-term planning of services that is required. Rhetoric of organization and health improvement underpins service agreements now made. The NHS is not simply a technical institution for the delivery of care, but as well a political institution where the practice of health care and the roles of health care practitioners imitate the authority base within society. The hospital organizational structure is an influential determinant of social identity, and thus affects health care roles and responsibilities. Though, through the health care reforms the medical staff and, to a lesser degree the managers, appeared to be defense from the introduction of general management into the health service. This has resulted in health service delivery remaining stoutly located within a medical model, and medical domination unchallenged (Mechanic 1991). It is the less authoritative occupational groups, including nursing, that have felt the major impact of such reforms. The NHS organizational changes aimed to convey leadership, value for money, and professional responsibility to managers at all level of the health service. These alterations were intended to reverse the organizational inertia that was limiting growth and efficiency in the system. Though originally aiming a positive impact on the service, these radical ideologies led to tension at the manager-health care professional boundary (Owens and Glennerster 1990). The prologue of the internal market in the NHS meant to present a more neutral and competent way of allocating resources, through rationalization and depersonalization. The new era of managerially claimed to be a changing force opposing customary health professional power (Newman and Clarke 1994), and persuasive professionals to offer to organizational objectives (Macara 1996). The contradictory models of health care held by managers and health care workers improved ambiguity over areas of responsibility and decision making, somewhat than clarity as anticipated (Owens and Glennerster 1990). The contending ideologies and tribalism between the health care groups were more unequivocally revealed. The introduction of markets to health care exposed a dichotomy for health care professionals. Medical and nursing staffs were requisite to report to better managerial officials, yet reveal professional commitment to a collegial peer group. This was challenging, mainly for medical staff that understood medical influence and the independence of medical practice, but did not recognize managerial ability. In many of the commentaries addressing this, the majority pragmatic resolution to addressing this situation was to distinguish that professional independence exists but together with, and limited, by managerial and decision-making control. The Griffiths Report (NHS Management Executive 1983) considered the doctor as the natural manager and endeavored to engage medicine with the general management culture through the resource management inventiveness. This requisite medicine to clinch the managerial values of collaboration, team work and collective attainment through the configuration of clinical management teams: the clinical directorate. On the contrary such working attitudes were in direct contrast to medicine’s principles of maximizing rather than optimizing, and of autonomy not interdependence. It is fascinating that even in today’s health care environment; there have been sustained observations that medical staffs do not supervise resources or clinical staff in an idealistic way. in spite of this, there has been little effort to undertake a methodical and broad review of the organization of medical work. This is in direct distinction to the experience of nurses, whose working practices and standards persist to be critiqued by all. Early on attempts made by managers to bound medical authority led to doctors adopting countervailing practices so as to remain independent and avoid organizational authority. Such practices, taken to keep their clinical independence, included unrestricted behaviors in admitting patients or deciding on explicit patient treatments (Harrison and Bruscini 1995). These behaviors rendered it hard for managers to intrude on medical practice, and therefore restricted the impact of the health care reforms. Immediately post-Griffiths there was some proof that introduction of general managers had, to a small extent, influenced medical practices. Green and Armstrong (1993) undertook a study on bed management in nine London hospitals. In this study, it was established how the work of managerial bed managers was capable to influence throughput of patients, admission and operating lists, thereby ultimately affecting the work of medicine. however, attempts made by managers to organize medicine were self-limiting. Health care managers were not a colossal, ideologically homogeneous group and lacked a strong consistent power base (Harrison and Pollitt 1994). Managers did not fulfill their remit of exigent the medical position in the health service and evade the responsibility for implementing repulsive and difficult decisions (Harrison and Pollitt op. cit.). The management capability of medicine persists to be challenged by government initiatives including the overture of clinical governance (DoH 1997). In this, the Chief Executives of trusts are held responsible for the quality of clinical care delivered by the whole workforce. An optimistic impact of this transform may be to provide opportunity for an incorporated organization with all team members, representing an interdependent admiration of health care (Marnoch and Ross 1998). on the other hand, it might be viewed as simply a structural change to increase the recognized ability of the Chief Executive over the traditional authority of medical staff: a further effort to make in-roads into the medical power base. Current years have demonstrated sustained commitment from the government towards modernizing health care (DoH 2000b). This has integrated challenging conventional working patterns and clinical roles across clinical specialties and disciplines. certainly medicine has received improved public and government scrutiny over current years. This has resulted in a shift of approach from within and outside the medical profession. The accomplishment of challenging the agenda for change in health care will be part-determined by medicine’s capability to further flex its own boundaries, and respond to the developing proficiency of others. 2. Identify and critically explore the changing role of the nurse, within the multi disciplinary team, examining legal, ethical and professional implications. The impact on nurses of the post-Griffiths health service configuration has not been so inconsequential. Empirical work has demonstrated that execution of the Griffiths recommendations led to the removal of the nursing management structure. This efficiently limited senior nurses to simply operational roles (Keen and Malby 1992). The implementation of the clinical directorate structure, with consultants having managerial accountability over nursing, further reduced nursing’s capability to effect change. Prior to 1984, budgetary control for nursing place with the profession. The 1984 reorganization distant nursing from nursing’s own control and placed it decisively under the new general managers’ (Robinson and Strong 1987, p. 5). As the notions of cost inhibition and erudite consumers were promoted, audit and accounting practices assumed a significant position in the health service. It was nurses who, encompassing a considerable percentage of the total workforce and linked staffing budget, found themselves targets for public and government analysis. Nursing maintained some strategic management functions within the new management structures, but these tasks were mostly limited to areas within the professional nursing domain. Nurses have been seen as pricey and potentially upsetting factors of production: channels through which costs can be lessened and administration functions can be absorbed (Ackroyd 1996). Caught in the crossfire of managerial changes that were originally targeted at medicine, nursing has been placed subordinate to management (Robinson and Strong 1987). In spite of debates on the impact of health care changes, there is consent on one issue. The structural and organizational changes in the NHS since 1991 have re-fashioned unit management teams and unit management responsibilities. This has resulted in the improved involvement of these teams in the stipulation of the service. It has required a diverse way of thinking about health care and new relationships between clinicians and managers to be developed (Owens and Glennerster 1990). The nineties are set to become a vital period in changing the ways in which health care is delivered, not just in terms of the potential re-demarcation of occupational boundaries between health care occupations, but as well in terms of the broader political, economic and organizational changes presently taking place in the NHS. It is asserted that traditional demarcations between doctors and nurses, seen as based on ever more unsustainable distinctions between ‘cure’ and ‘care’, are becoming blurred and that the new nursing causes a threat to the supremacy of the medical profession within health care (Beardshaw and Robinson 1990). though, there is an element of wishful thinking about this and, indeed, Beardshaw and Robinson (1990) rage their optimism with an identification of the continued reality of medical dominance. They see the threat to medical supremacy as one of the most problematical aspects of the new nursing, largely as claims to a unique therapeutic role for nursing must essentially involve a reassessment of patient care relative to cure. In Beardshaw and Robinson’s view, the degree to which doctors will be willing to exchange their conventional ‘handmaidens’ for true clinical partners, or even substitutes, is one of the most significant questions pos ed by the new nursing. In the wake of the Cumberlege Report on Community Nursing (DHSS 1986) and World Health Organization directions concerning precautionary health care, there appeared the very real view of the substitution of nurses for doctors in definite clinical areas-particularly primary care in the community, through nurses creating a central role in health encouragement, screening, counseling and routine treatment work in some GP practices (Beardshaw and Robinson 1990). Though, a current evaluation of the impact of present reforms in the NHS on the role of the nurse in primary care is more distrustful concerning the future shape of the community nursing role. If the way to determine the extent of nurses’ challenge to medicine is in terms of the conflict it provokes, then there positively is proof of medical resistance to recent developments in nursing. Doctors’ reaction to the Cumberlege Report on neighborhood nursing (DHSS 1986), which suggested the appointment of nurse practitioners, revealed that there were doctors who strongly resisted the initiative of nurses acting autonomously (Delamothe 1988). On the other hand, the General Medical Services Committee and the Royal College of Nursing agreed that ‘decisions concerning appropriate treatment are in practice not always made by the patient’s general practitioner’ and recognized that nurses working in the community are effectively prescribes of treatment (British Medical Journal 1988:226). Discussions relating to the proper arrangements desired to hold the prescription of drugs by nurses are taking place, on the grounds that nurse prescribing raises issues linking to the legal and professional status of both the nursing and the medical professions (British Medical Journal 1988:226). This suggests that renegotiations relating to the spheres of competence of doctors and nurses are on the agenda. None the less, the General Medical Council (1992) Guidelines remain indistinct on nurse prescribing and other forms of ‘delegation’ of tasks under medical privilege to nurses, stating that it has no desire to hold back delegation, but warning that doctors must be satisfied concerning the competence of the person to whom they are delegated, and insisting that doctors should retain eventual responsibility for the patients, as improper delegation renders a doctor liable to disciplinary proceedings. Renegotiations around the division of responsibilities between doctors and nurses are taking place very carefully and to a large extent on a rather extemporized basis, given the volume of letters requesting advice and clarification received from GPs by the General Medical Council. The focus in much of the nursing literature seems to be on the challenge of the ‘new’ nursing to the ‘old’ nursing posed by nursing reform, somewhat than on the challenge to medicine. One doctor (Mitchell 1984) has complained in the pages of the British Medical Journal that doctors have not been told what the nursing process is about. Paradoxically, the nursing process is in fact derived from the work of an American doctor, Lawrence Weed, who pioneered the ‘problem-oriented record’ for hospitals in 1969. This changed the way in which patient information was collected and stored by instituting one single record to which all health professionals given. Though the nursing process, which was part of this innovation, crossed the Atlantic to Britain, the problem-oriented record did not. Mitchell (1984) has argued that the medical profession must oppose the nursing process and give it a rough ride on the grounds that medical knowledge should precede nursing plans to remedy the deficiencies of living activities which are, he insists, consequential upon the cause and clinical course of disease. He also accuses nurses of enabling a pernicious dichotomy between ‘cure’ and ‘care’, relegating the doctor to disease and inspiring the nurse to the holistic care of the individual, and suspects that the nursing process is less a system of rationalizing the delivery of care than a means of elevating nurses’ status and securing autonomy from medical supremacy.

Modern Dance Free Essay Example, 1000 words

He is a man who gave a new shape and look to the modern dance form. From a very juvenile age, Alvin Ailey was fascinated to the diverse dance forms and took immense interest in watching them (Bailey, pp. 15-30). Illuminations, performers’ attire and dancers falling in the midst of melody and harmony has always been a center of attraction for him, but surprisingly he never thought about making dancing as an occupation or a profession. As his interest in the dance, come into view since a very young age, therefore, he learned and took lessons of acting and dancing from a number of choreographers and professionals in the related field (Bailey, pp. 30-35). Alvin had developed into one of the leading, considerable and crucial persuasive bodies in the approval and recognition of the modern dance form that did not came under compliance until the mid of the twentieth century. For the modern dance to come under acknowledgement by the society and people, Alvin Ailey made many endeavors that embraced his inward bounding into his own dance forms and styles, publicizing of his own work by commencing and initiating a workshop or a galley. We will write a custom essay sample on Modern Dance or any topic specifically for you Only $17.96 $11.86/pageorder now The company of Alvin Ailey provided equal opportunities for all individuals, regardless of their race, culture and color (DeFrantz, pp. 35-40). Enhancement, ornament, and embellishment of the American modern dance tradition and legacy were the fundamental intentions and reasons that Alvin Ailey initiated and established his company. Revelations is one of the remarkable and worth mentioning work of Alvin Ailey, which is an assortment and integration of manifold emotions and are features that underscore the beliefs and reminiscences of his life (DeFrantz, 225-250). Many of his performances have focused and illustrated the accuracy and certainty about the life of an African American, as he wanted to safeguard, maintain and conserve the distinctiveness of the their cultural face. The prevalent and principal influential factor was one of his adviser, guru, and companion that portrayed and depicted the dancing methods and practices in the work of Revelations and his other performances (DeFrantz, 225-250). Ailey was a charismatic, influential and full of life person and these qualities of his come under reveal in the sequence of dance steps in the modern dance as well. He was a flexible individual who used his forte of dance and choreography for other groups and bands as well and did not restrict himself to his theater only. Alvin did not confine his work to certain dance steps and techniques; rather, he focused on melodramatic actions and used to create the diverse and different amalgamation of dance method and practices based on it (DeFrantz, 125-140).